Pyramid+of+the+Moon


= **__Pyramid of the Moon: __** = = **__Expression of Political and Military Expansion Through Ritual Sacrifice __** =



= **Introduction **= The pyramid of the Moon at Teotihuacan went through seven stages of construction. Data shows was that starting at the fourth stage of construction, and from then on, was that each stage was initiated with a sacrificial event involving sacrificial victims. According to research, most of the individuals were restrained by being bound and gagged, and were either killed violently or left to die. Bone analysis confirms that almost all of the victims were foreign captives. These ritual sacrifices involving captive foreigners was a form of expression of military might in Teotihuacan. Animals that were often part of offerings were left to die as they were put inside cages in order to be restrained. The manner in which the bodies were decorated and disposed revealed the status of the individuals in each burial to the point where some of the victims were stripped off of their identities indicating their low status. Initially it was thought that the ritual sacrifices at the Pyramid of the Moon was held from a religious point of view but recent excavation and interpretation actually proves that with each new expansion and the extent of the sacrifices performed in each burial, the objects and the skeletal remains found, provide an insight as to how the Teotihuacan government intended to expand political power as well as militaristic power.

 **Architecture **



 Seven superimposed structures are found within the Pyramid of the Moon. Prior to 1998 very little had been known about the pyramid before archeologists decided to explore it through tunneling (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). It was built much in the same way Pyramid of the Sun was built using the sundried brick technique (Wisenthal 1978). Through preliminary ceramic classification, archeologists were able to determine a chronological time line of the additions done to the structure (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). The expansion of the pyramid and the sacrificial rituals consecrated in the structure became a way to reinforce political authority. It was found that out of the seven structures, five of them displayed burials involving ritual sacrifices that were incorporated in conjunction with additions done to expand the pyramid. Though smaller than Pyramid of the Sun, Pyramid of the Moon compensates for its lack of size in the vertical manner it was built and expanded elevating it from the ground it is built upon (Wisenthal 1978). The architecture was the central focus where ceremonial and religious festivities were held in its plaza. Pyramid of the Moon consists of three sections. These include: a four-tiered main platform, an intermediate three-tiered platform, and a five-tiered platform at the front that projects from the pyramid (Sugiyama and Castro 2007). Even though from the outside the Pyramid of the Moon gives the impression of being a single structure, inside there are echoes of earlier structures and a growing political and military leadership at Teotihuacan. Building one is the oldest building to be dated with construction of Building 2 later on covering Building 1 (Sugiyama and Cabrera 2007). An enlargement program brought about the construction of Building 3, and with the significant enlargement of Building 4, implication of a growing Teotihuacan state proved to be powerful enough to undertake this extensive construction program on the pyramid and its east-west orientation. This correspond with the now well known city-grid system suggesting that Teotihuacan power was “well established and centralized” to the point where they could now control projects of the city’s magnitude (Sugiyama and Castro). Expansion continued throughout construction of Building 5 and with this a shift in style in which for the first time the building was fully composed of a main body and an Adosada platform separate from the building structure for which the //talud-tablero// form was incorporated (Urunuela and Punket 2007). The function of the talud-tablero was believed to be an interface between the outside world and the underworld (Urunuela and Punket 2007). Building 6 was part of an even more extensive enlargement program giving us the external dimensions of pyramid that we see today (Sugiyama and Castro 2007). Final construction went underway with Building 7. It provided the finishing touches on the building and added the façades that covered the three sections of the pyramid: the main structure, intermediate platform, and the Adosada platform (Sugiyama and Cabrera Castro 2007).

An influx of people into Teotihuacan might have been responsible for the growing political power in rulership providing enough labor to allow ongoing complex expansion programs and construction on the Pyramid of the Moon. This might have “reflected the formation and transformation processes of political organization and increasing state complexity" (Sugiyama and Cabrera Castro 2007).

**Skeletal Remains: What They Tell us About Expansion of Military and Political Power** 

Signs of an organized and centralized authority seem to have been established by the time construction on Building 4 began where archeologists found the first of a series of graves that included human sacrifice as a dedicatory related to the construction of a monument. Contents inside the dedicatory burials indicate the merging of a sacred and militaristic state responsible for the subsequent stages in the large-scare constructions. Because the first burial that was encountered, designated as Burial 1, had no offerings or human skeletal remains burials 2 through 6 have been of primary focus (Spence and Pereira 2007). All of the complexes excavated date to different time periods and all of them involve human sacrifice and showcase an evolving polity in Teotihuacan, incorporating militaristic expansion with that of religious divinities. Practice of burying sacrificed animals and human beings begun with the construction of building 4. Identification of the skeletal remains found was done through isotope analysis and based on the results almost all of the sacrificial victims were foreign and these sacrifice indicate that Teotihuacan was developing a complex military organization involving foreign soldiers (White, et al. 2007).  Because Burial 2 was filled with earth and stone from bottom to top it is believed that it served as the foundation of Building 4 and it was discovered along the northern façade of building 3 (Spence and Pereira 2007). Therefore, before the space could be filled, a sacrifice took place before construction began. Inside, only one skeletal remain was found and it had its hands crossed and tied at the wrist behind the back and was found in a seated position facing west near the eastern edge of the room (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). With legs slightly flexed and separated ankles and legs this suggests that the individual was still alive at time of burial. Based on the items found, the ornaments the victim wore confirmed that he was a person of high status. This data confirms that a powerful religious rulership must have existed at Teotihuacan at the time of construction and therefore must have been responsible for overseeing the construction (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007).   Burial 3 along with burial 6 were the two tombs where proclamation of military power is more prominent. Burial 3 was discovered in the northern section of building 4 during the construction of building 5 (Spence and Pereira 2007). In fact, four individuals were discovered in the chamber where it contained. Three of the individuals were parallel to each other and were placed in extended positions face up, with heads oriented to the east (Pence and Pereira 2007). The fourth individual was tightly flexed and he was found lying on his left side facing the other three (Spence and Pereira 2007). All of them had their hands crossed behind their backs suggesting they were bound. Fibers found around their wrist confirm this. What sets this group of individual apart from the individual in Burial 1 is that researchers found fibers in the lower jaw bone suggesting that these individuals were gagged and were probably buried alive to consecrate a new structure. Isotope analysis indicate that the fourth individual was younger than the rest and therefore might have been of a lower status than the other three (Spence and Pereira 2007). Only one of the individual’s isotope analysis proved to be that the victim was local (White, et al. 2007). Given the treatment of the victims, rich ornaments found at the site (which we will talk about later on) suggest that these were people of high status.   Burial 6 was discovered along the north axis around the center of building 5 and was consecrated around the same time as Burial 3. Burial 6 is considered a proclamation of Teotihuacan’s religious and political state. Skeletal remains of 12 individuals were found inside the burial chamber of which 10 of the victims were found to be decapitated and thrown in a pile and the 2 victims that were not decapitated wore sophisticated regalia and these were placed in the central area of the burial chamber (Spence and Pereira 2007). All of the victims were found with their hands bound behind their back (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). Status of the individuals were evident by the offerings that surrounded them and it strongly alluded to the state’s military (more on that below). <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6); text-decoration: none;"> <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6); text-decoration: none;"> Burial 5 is a different kind of burial because it is the first time individuals of high status are sacrificed. What separate the three high status individuals from the two victims in Burial 6 is that these were not bound and were found with their hands crossed over at the front resting atop the head of animals and one individual associated with carrying a wooden staff (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). These individuals were found with their legs crossed, a position often associated with the gods and with people of high political status in Mesoamerica, especially in artistic representation in Classic-period Maya sites (White, et al. 2007). Perhaps Mayan art might have been an influence in the staging of high status individuals? Because there was no evidence of fibers suggesting that rope was used to bind the wrists and data on the manner in which they were disposed, there is a possibility that either these individuals were sacrificed willingly or had previously died of natural deaths (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). Apart from the manner in which the individuals were treated, the offerings and that were found in the burial reveals confirm the special status of the individual ornaments (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007) and the growing political and sacred power of the Teotihuacan state. <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6); text-decoration: none;"> <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6); text-decoration: none;"> Burial 4 corresponded to the construction of building 6 and was found to be in the north façade of building 5 (White, et al. 2007). It probably was the strongest testament of Teotihuacan military power inside Pyramid of the Moon. Seventeen heads and one atlas bone (suggesting that there might have been an 18th head) were found scattered all over the burial (White, et al. 2007). Isotope analysis shows that the victims in burial four were foreign and were captured enemies (White, et al. 2007) and osteological analysis from the cut marks on the cranial bone indicate that the heads were fresh from ritual decapitation when they were thrown in along with rocks inside the burial (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). Isotope analysis confirms that the victims came from different ethnic groups and social status from different regions (White, et al. 2007). Because their bodies were destroyed, it is thought that this is a form of killing the individual’s soul and or preventing its journey in the afterlife (White, et al. 2007).
 * __<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 2 __**
 * __<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 3 __**
 * __<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 6 : __**
 * __<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 5 __**
 * __<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 4 __**



=**<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Artifacts and Offerings Relating to Political and Military Power **=

At the Pyramid of the Moon, Teotihuacan’s political and military might was proclaimed best in Burials 2, 3, 5, and 6. <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);"> Burial 2 in the Pyramid of the Moon gives us a time line of when religious leadership started gaining power (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). It was considered to be a dedicatory burial offering, the main focus being that of a female deity represented in a figurine placed at the center of the burial (Sugiyama and Cabrera Castro 2007). Artifacts such as the nine sacrificial knives and the nine obsidian knives found in Burial 2 “allude to sacrifice, militarism and authority” (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). Two pumas and a wolf were placed in wooden cages indicating that they were alive at the time of the burial even though at the time of discovery only the impressions of the cages were found (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). These animals reinforce the idea of militarism and sacrifice. [i] Teotihuacan iconography attributes these items and the caged animals found as “instruments related to post battle rituals” (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). A vertically placed greenstone figurine, thought to be a goddess, was surrounded by eight toltec vessels suggest that it was the main focus of the burial (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007).

These victims in Burial 3 wore ornaments that may have revealed the social status of the victims. These include shell earspools, greenstone earspools, beads, nose pendenant, and necklaces imitating human “maxillae” (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). Two of the individuals in Burial 3 had shells, small anthropomorphic figurines, miniature knives, and projectile points and blades made of obsidian were placed on the genital area to underscore their higher political and religious status (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). The most intriguing of the offerings found, were the 18 heads of decapitate animals (14 wolves and four pumas) that were scattered all over the burial. Heads of wolves and pumas might have represented or might have been used to identify someone of military status and sacrifice (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007).
 * <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 3 **<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">


 * <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 5 **<span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">

Burial 5 is probably the richest burial at Pyramid of the Moon. Ornaments worn by the individuals and offerings included confirm the special status of the individual. One of the most important artifacts found on these individuals were large rectangular pectorals made of jadeite (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). This object is unusual to be found in the city and often associated with the Maya culture. The holes on the pectorals indicate that they were intended to be fixed on the body. What identifies this item as one belonging to a sacred individual is the composition of a rectangular panel with two bands crossing another pair of bands forming an X (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). White fibers found in the area might indicate that mantas or mats signifying their authority were present in the burial (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). Normally where animals represent symbols of military and warfare, in this case since it is believed that at least two individuals were sacred, rather than warriors or political figures, the skulls of the animals where their hands rested might have been allusions to their alter egos or religious group they were associated with. The staff that was mentioned earlier clearly may have symbolized political or military power (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). Also, found on the bodies were carved earspools with at least one of them made out of jadeite. A greenstone figurine echoing the same posture of the individuals was located in the central of the burial in which the placing of the figurine among the bodies suggest that the individuals sacrificed where subjected to this possible representation of a god or divinity (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007). The individuals that were buried along with the representation of the remains of animals and artifacts found in Burial 5 makes it the most explicit expression of Teotihuacan state leadership inside Pyramid of the Moon.

In Burial 6, animals were found to be bound indicating that they were alive at the time of sacrifice. These animals alluded to military power associated with human sacrifice. (Sugiyama and Lopez Lujan 2007) An obsidian human figurine was found and another unique human figurine made of serpentine mosaic and dolomite, limestone and obsidian inlays were laid directly over the 18 knives. As previously stated, it is likely that the figurines represent gods or divinities for the sacrificial rituals that were carried out in the dedication of the monument being constructed.
 * <span style="color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Burial 6 **

To sum up, it is through the developments in the architectural expansion and burial sacrifices inside Pyramid of the Moon that provides us with information on how political power had increased with each stage of the pyramid and how human and animal sacrifice was important in carrying out the next phase of construction in the pyramid. The manner in which the bodies of the victims were disposed along with the items found near the victims and the animals and objects included in the offering attest to a growing military and political expression in Teotihuacan. We can conclude that those holding the most sacred and high status position such as the individuals in Burial 5 got a lesser gruesome treatment than those of extreme low status as evident with the decapitated skulls in Burial 4. And though Burial 3 and 6 correspond with each other the fact that Burial 6, the last of the burials at Pyramid of the Moon, provides us with evidence that at the time Teotihuacan’s political and military might was highly complex and organized at the time of its completion in about 400 C.E. <span style="font-size: 14pt; color: rgb(152, 72, 6); text-align: center; display: block;">
 * <span style="font-size: 14pt; color: rgb(152, 72, 6);">Conclusion **
 * <span style="font-size: 14pt; color: rgb(152, 72, 6); text-align: center; display: block;">Bibliography **

Gonlin, Nancy, and Lohse, John C. 2007 Commoner Ritual and Ideology in Ancient Mesoamerica Colorado: University Press of Colorado. pp. 38, 40-41.

Wiesenthal M. Gods of Teotihuacan. New York: Crescent Books. p. 74. Michael W. Spence and Grégory Pereira 2007 THE HUMAN SKELETAL REMAINS OF THE MOON PYRAMID, TEOTIHUACAN. //Ancient// // Mesoamerica, // 18, pp 147-157 Saburo Sugiyama and Rubén Cabrera Castro 2007 THE MOON PYRAMID PROJECT AND THE TEOTIHUACAN STATE POLITY. //Ancient// // Mesoamerica, // 18, pp 109-125.

Saburo Sugiyama and Leonardo López Luján 2007 DEDICATORY BURIAL/OFFERING COMPLEXES AT THE MOON PYRAMID, TEOTIHUACAN. //Ancient Mesoamerica,// 18, pp 127-146 Christine D. White, T. Douglas Price and Fred J. Longstaffe 2007 RESIDENTIAL HISTORIES OF THE HUMAN SACRIFICES AT THE MOON PYRAMID, TEOTIHUACAN. //Ancient Mesoamerica,// 18, pp 159-172